The Angolan Civil War: 26 Years of Fighting

Immediately after achieving independence, Angola was plunged into a devastating 26-year-long conflict. The many independence movements that once fought for the country’s freedom turned on each other and tore Angola apart in the pursuit of power. In the midst of the Cold War, the conflict gained the attention of numerous world powers, whose intervention further worsened the bloodshed. The following 26 years of fighting made the Angolan Civil War one of the deadliest wars in African History.

For 13 years, Angola had been locked in a bloody independence war against the country’s Portuguese colonialists. Under Portuguese rule, Angolans had been subjected to forced labor and exploitation. But now, invigorated with African nationalism, three separate Angolan independence movements were fighting for the nation’s freedom.

The first of these movements was the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which followed a Marxist-Leninist ideology. The movement’s core support comprised the Ambundu ethnic group, led by Agostinho Neto.

The second was the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA), which was center-right politically, strongly anti-communist, and formed from the Kongo ethnic group.

Finally, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) was a left-wing movement that adopted Maoism and was led by Jonas Savimbi. However, Savimbi would later denounce his Maoist position and portray himself as an anti-communist figure, likely in hopes of gaining greater support from the US.

Despite the long struggle of the Angolan people for independence, events in Portugal resulted in the country’s freedom. On April 25, 1974, Portuguese troops overthrew Portugal’s authoritarian regime during the Carnation Revolution.

The new Portuguese government quickly entered negotiations with the various Angolan parties to discuss the end of the war. Together, they signed the Alvor Agreement in January 1975, which established a transitional government comprising the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA in preparation for Angola’s full independence on November 11, 1975.

However, the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA, with their drastically different political views and ethnic backgrounds, held little trust in one another. With Portugal’s withdrawal, the inevitable power vacuum created questions of who would inevitably control Angola.

By the mid-1970s, the world was held in the icy grip of the Cold War. As the United States and the Soviet Union struggled for global dominance, many regions of the developing world became their battleground. With the future of Angola riddled with uncertainty, it would also garner the attention of the global superpowers.

The Soviet Union saw an opportunity in Angola to create a friendly ally and help spread communism in the region. Due to their Marxist-Leninist ideology, the MPLA became the Soviet Union’s beneficiary. It is reported that the MPLA would receive millions of dollars worth of Soviet weapons.

Fearing the possibility of communism establishing itself in Angola, the US opted to support the FNLA. However, the US would not solely commit to the FNLA’s cause. In an attempt to avoid an MPLA victory at all costs, the US would also agree to support UNITA. Zaire, whose leader Mobutu, a staunch US ally and committed anti-communist, also wanted a friendly regime on its western border. Mobutu would send 1,200 Zairian troops to support the FNLA.

Eager to step outside the Soviet Union’s shadow, the emerging Maoist China wanted to establish itself as a global power. In 1975, China sent 112 military advisors and 450 tons of arms to support the FNLA.

South Africa was also concerned over which faction would control Angola. The apartheid state lent its support to UNITA and dispatched a significant force of troops to Angola.

Finally, Cuba believed Africa was fertile ground to propagate the spread of communism. Fidel Castro provided significant support to the MPLA, dispatching a number of military advisors and establishing training camps to train MPLA forces in guerrilla tactics.

Due to the staggering amount of foreign intervention in Angolan affairs, the three Angolan movements became increasingly militarized throughout 1975. As the movements strengthened in power, their mistrust for one another was further exacerbated. Foreign intervention fanned the flames of war in Angola, which would soon engulf the nation.

Violent clashes erupted in the capital city of Luanda in March 1975 between forces of the MPLA and FNLA. Attacks and counter attacks occurred daily for months. By June, approximately 5,000 people had been killed. The following month, the MPLA had successfully forced the FNLA out of the capital.

Fearing that the MPLA would quickly consolidate its control of Luanda, and thus Angola, South Africa sent 1,500 troops into Angola to support both the FNLA and UNITA. With the added South African support, the FNLA was able to quickly gain significant territory in the country’s southeast. Zaire also sent approximately 1,000 troops in support of the FNLA.

With the sudden invasion of South African forces into Angola, Cuba acted decisively to support the MPLA and launched an audacious intervention supported by some 18,000 Cuban troops.

The war’s first major battle took place on November 10, 1975. FNLA forces supported by South African and Zairian troops attacked MPLA and Cuban positions near the town of Quifangondo. After a disorganized preliminary attack, FNLA and supporting forces became trapped and under heavy fire. They suffered significant losses and were forced into retreat despite entering the battle with almost three times as many men as the MPLA.

Merely hours after the Battle of Quifangondo, Agostinho Neto, leader of the MPLA, declared Angola’s independence from Portuguese control. The MPLA’s decisive early victory allowed them to consolidate their control of Luanda and designated themselves as the de facto leadership of Angola.

Facing an insurmountable opponent in the MPLA and their Cuban allies, the FNLA and UNITA formed an alliance in November 1975.

By the late 1970s, fighting in Angola had become relatively sporadic. The majority of foreign forces had withdrawn from the country, with the exception of Cuban troops.

During this period, Nito Alves, the Angolan Interior Minister, had become a powerful member of the MPLA and wielded a large base of support within the organization known as Nitistas. Agostinho Neto became increasingly suspicious of Alves’s intentions, especially following Alves’s visit to the Soviet Union.

Neto attempted to weaken Alves’s position by abolishing the interior ministry. In response, Alves attempted a coup with the intention of arresting Neto during a meeting and installing himself as leader of the MPLA. However, his plan was foiled when the location of the meeting was changed at the last minute.

Soon after, the MPLA voted to dismiss Alves. However, a brigade of MPLA soldiers loyal to Alves attempted a coup of their own. They attacked a prison hoping to free several imprisoned Nitistas and captured a radio station to announce their coup to the Angolan people. However, the coup was subsequently quashed by Cuban forces.

In the aftermath of the attempted coup, the MPLA launched a horrific purge of Nitistas. Nito Alves was executed by a firing squad. Amnesty International suggests as many as 30,000 people were killed in the purge orchestrated by the MPLA and Cuban forces.

In 1979, Agostinho Neto died of cancer at the age of 56. The MPLA elected José Eduardo dos Santos as his successor.

During the 1980s, foreign intervention in Angola once again intensified. The Soviet Union sent billions of dollars worth of arms to the MPLA, in addition to an increasing number of Cuban troops stationed in the country. Jonas Savimbi of UNITA successfully consolidated closer relations with the US and was invited to the White House in 1986 to meet President Ronald Reagan.

The bolstered forces engaged each other in 1987 at the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale. Lasting for several months, the battle was the largest conventional battle on the African continent since the Second World War. It began when UNITA and South African forces defeated a significant offensive of MPLA forces. However, their planned counteroffensive was met with resolute resistance by the MPLA and Cuban troops in the town of Cuito Cuanavale. The defending forces repelled numerous South African-devised offensive operations.

There is much contest over the battle’s outcome and significance. However, most neutral observers argue that the battle ended in a stalemate yet still had dramatic consequences for the war and the wider region. In the aftermath of the battle, representatives of the MPLA, Cuba, and South Africa met in New York and signed the Tripartite Accord on December 22, 1988.

The peace treaty ended the direct involvement of South African and Cuban forces in Angola and granted independence to Namibia. Many also argue that the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale contributed to the eventual downfall of the apartheid regime in South Africa. Nelson Mandela thanked Cuban leader Fidel Castro during a visit to Cuba in 1991, stating that the defeat of South African forces at Cuito Cuanavale “destroyed the myth of the invincibility of the white oppressor.”

With the withdrawal of foreign forces from Angola, the intensity of fighting had reduced by the early 1990s. Despite this, Savimbi continued to lobby support from the US and met President George H.W. Bush on yet another visit to the White House. Meanwhile, the MPLA officially abandoned Marxism-Leninism as its official party doctrine.

In 1991, dos Santos and Savimbi met in Lisbon to discuss the potential of peace. Together, they signed the Bicesse Accords, which proposed a transition of Angola toward a multi-party democracy and the integration of UNITA into the Angolan Armed Forces.

The first presidential election in Angolan history took place in 1992. Dos Santos achieved 49% of the vote, compared to Savimbi’s 40%. However, Savimbi rejected the results, claiming the election had been rigged, and vowed to reignite his armed struggle.

As Angola’s hopes of democracy died, violence erupted. The new Angolan government of the MPLA and its supporters viciously attacked UNITA supporters. It is reported that government forces killed civilians and buried them in mass graves. An estimated 10,000 civilians were killed within a few days in what is now known as the Halloween Massacre.

Savimbi Continues His Armed Struggle

Following the resumption of the conflict, UNITA quickly regained control of significant swathes of Angolan territory. Although, they were quickly pushed back by government forces. The two years of fighting following the 1992 election were the most intense and bloody of the war so far, with civilians being increasingly targeted by both UNITA and the government. Some estimates suggest that as many as 120,000 people were killed within two years.

Another attempt at peace was made in 1994 with the signing of the Lusaka Protocol. Similar to the Bicesse Accords, the Lusaka Protocol attempted to implement a ceasefire and eventually integrate UNITA forces into the Angolan Armed Forces. It also promised positions in the Angolan government for high-ranking UNITA members. However, the continuing distrust resulted in the Protocol quickly being abandoned.

UNITA continued to fight despite facing increasing pressure from government forces. It is believed that UNITA could continue fighting for so long due to its control of Angola’s diamond mines. Reportedly, UNITA earned billions of dollars through the illicit sale of diamonds throughout the course of the war.

On February 22, 2002, Jonas Savimbi was killed during a clash against government forces. With his death, UNITA had lost its founder and patriarch and the driving force behind their continued struggle. Savimbi’s appointed successor was also injured during the same clash and died just 12 days later.

The new UNITA leadership agreed to an immediate ceasefire, demobilized UNITA’s armed forces, and transformed the organization into a political party. After 26 years of bloodshed, the Angolan Civil War was over.

It is estimated that the Angolan Civil War resulted in the deaths of around one million people and displaced a further four million people. The fighting significantly crippled much of the country’s infrastructure. As a result, the vast majority of the population did not have access to clean water by the end of the war.

To this day, the MPLA and UNITA remain the two largest political parties in Angola, though the MPLA has always maintained control of the country. In 2017, dos Santos retired as President of Angola, having been in power for 38 years. He was replaced by João Lourenço.

Angola is one of the world’s largest oil-producing nations, and its diamonds have made it one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. As a result, the capital, Luanda, has experienced substantial development and is often ranked as one of the most expensive cities for expatriates to live in. However, Angola’s economic development has been highly unequal. As of 2021, it is estimated that just under half of Angola’s population lives in extreme poverty.

The Angolan Civil War was one of the largest and most devastating proxy wars provoked by the Cold War. It is a devastating representation of how the rivalry between global superpowers can escalate and prolong conflicts to the detriment of vulnerable states and peoples.